7/26/2023 0 Comments Jogo social empiresIn 1950, Rio de Janeiro was the capital city of Brazil and had nothing to compare with the grandiose stadiums of Rome, Berlin, Madrid, London, or Buenos Aires. Proponents of a publically financed stadium argued that a grandiose public venue would bring immeasurable civic, symbolic, and practical benefits. 2 Part of the conflict over the Maracanã was financing. 1 Brazil´s most renowned architects entered the dispute for the right to build the stadium – a place conceived as a conduit through which Brazilian political, engineering, and sporting ambitions could flow. Rio´s mayor Mendes de Morais and the sports journalist Mário Rodrigues Filho argued for building the stadium on the former Derby Club horseracing ground in the Maracanã neighbourhood, the then-geographic heart of Rio de Janeiro. Carlos Lacerda, responsible for a wave of favela removals in Rio´s Zona Sul and avid supporter of the 1964 military coup, wanted Rio´s Estádio Municipal (as it was then called) to be built in the western suburb of Jacarepaguá, on the future site of the 2016 Olympic Park. The Maracanã was a site of contestation between opposing governmental ideologies long before the 1950 World Cup kicked off. Football is now a social space where creative solutions for civic life challenges can emerge. The article acknowledges that football can still play a key role in the social transformation of public life in Brazil, but also that it is no longer a magical tool to mask or solve all societal problems. As the country becomes a more sophisticated society, an increasing process on the fragmentation of the country’s identities is precipitated by turbulent social moments. The paper explores the causes of the contraction of the football land myth that once was so central to Brazilian identity but can no longer claim its supremacy over the whole country. Through the use of the rich Brazilian literature on football and society, combined with data from Brazilian mainstream and social media, this study attempts to resignify the meanings of emblematic moments in Brazilian football history such as the 1950 Maracanazo and the 2014 Mineirazo. This paper addresses the historical origins and the social consequences of the ‘football land’ myth to the country, as well as the current state-of-the-art to this myth. This mythos has been central in the narratives about Brazilian identity. The chapter concludes by considering the impact of mega-event hosting on political agendas and the outlook for football and other professional sports post-mega-events in Brazil.īrazil has been widely mystified as the ‘football land’ since the late 1930s. The second part will consider bidding and national politics underpinning the FIFA World Cup 2014 and the Rio de Janeiro 2016 Olympics, public protest and security, and demonstrations before and during the 2014 World Cup. The domestic politics of Brazilian football and key figures João Havelange and his former son-in-law Ricardo Teixeira are also considered. The politics surrounding Brazil’s involvement in the FIFA World Cup since 1950 is discussed. The first part focuses on the role of football in forging national identity and the growth in popularity of the sport. This chapter comprises two parts: a very brief history of socio-cultural and political aspects of sport (especially football) in Brazil that provides the background and context for the second that discusses contemporary aspects of mega-event bidding and hosting in Brazil. The conclusion suggests that even short-lived experiments in the formation of social movements are worthwhile as they can take future shapes and directions that can eventually bring about the desired change. I contextualize this movement with the larger frames of fandom and fans’ rights, the role of activist academics within social movements more generally, and explore the successes and failures of the ANT. This article will analyze the emergence and decline of the National Fans’ Association (Associação Nacional dos Torcedores, ANT) as an attempt from Brazilian civil society to insert more progressive social agendas into the rapidly neo-liberalizing framework of Brazilian sport. In the years leading up to the 2014 World Cup, social movements have formed to respond to these changes in the political economy of football. While many of these processes were well underway before FIFA selected Brazil to host the 2014 World Cup in 2007, the event preparations are accelerating the trends toward corporatization, privatization, and mercantilization of football culture. These groups are responding to rapid changes in the political economy of Brazilian sport, particularly football. The progressive commercialization of football in Brazil has been accompanied by the emergence of social movements that seek increased visibility and power over decision-making processes in the sport industrial complex.
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